34. Evangelischer Kirchentag in Hamburg

During the recent meeting Archbishop Roham gave an authentic assessment of the recent situation of the Christians in Syria in general and in the Province of Al-Hassake in particular, where he resides. In addition, the talk evolved around the security and humanitarian crisis in the country and options for supporting the suffering Christians in Northern Syria and the refugees in the neighboring countries of Syria.

After the civil war began in Syria, Archbishop Roham took responsibility for the poor parishioner of his Archdiocese and traveled to many places where the flock of the Syrian Orthodox Church was in despair.

Recently, His Holiness Ignatius Zakka I Iwas, Patriarch of Antioch and All the East, sent the Archbishop to Europe in order to assess and manage the problems of the refugees in Greece and in neighboring countries to Syria. He carried a special letter from the Patriarch to Cardinal Schönborn of Vienna to help in bringing the mission to success.

On Friday, April 19, 2013, Cardinal Schönborn received Archbishop Roham, who delivered the letter of the Patriarch. After the meeting Archbishop Roham conveyed the following message to Cardinal Schönborn, saying:

I was deeply touched by your intensive listening to the suffering and risk, which my people and I are facing in Syria during these very difficult days. When hearing Your Eminence offering me a place in your own residency, I felt that I am not left alone and I do have a great brother in Christ helping me in carrying the cross. Your generous offering has reminded me of practicing "Philoxenia," like our Father Abraham, and your encouraging words have echoed in me the words of Jesus, "I was a stranger and you invited me in" (Matthew 25:35). Indeed, I will never forget how much you cared about the well-being of my suffering people and churches. I will always be grateful to your Christian flowing love and faith.

With regards to the current situation of the Assyrians and other Christians in Hassake province, the Archbishop reported the countryside of Northern Syria, which has borders with Iraq and Tur-Abdin in Turkey, "is now mostly controlled by different rebel groups."

The government seems to have abandoned the rural areas with little towns while concentrating its focus in the two large towns, namely Hassake and Qamishle. People in these two towns have a great fear that fighting might start at any time in their streets. Hassake is about 80 km from Qamishle, which is located on the Turkish border. "In case fighting will start, a very large number of children, girls, women and elderly people will cross the border to Turkey," said the Archbishop.

According to the Archbishop Hassake and Qamishle have already welcomed many displaced families from other destroyed areas in Al-Hasske Province, like Dair Al-Zor, Ras Al-Ayn, Thawra, Tabqa, Raqqa, and Shadadi. The Church and a School in Dair Al-Zor were already destroyed in early summer 2012. The faithful left the area and became displaced in many other towns, but most of them have settled in Hassake. In Ras Al-Ayn churches and Christian symbols were destroyed.

In early 2013, some new displaced families arrived from Thawra, Raqqa and Shadadi. Archbishop Roham accepted immediately all their children in Amal Private Schools. "The displaced people of Dair Al-Zor, Ras Al-Ayn, Thawra, Raqqa and Shadadi cannot go back to their home towns, because many of them lost their houses and property," the Archbishop added.

Archbishop Roham spoke also about earlier activities in his diocese. In January 2013, the three bishops in Hassake -- Yacoub Behnan Hendo of the Syrian Catholic Church, Afrem Nathanael of the Assyrian Church of the East and Eustathius Matta Roham -- met to discuss many issues of concern, including kidnappings. A protest march was organized with other notables of the region that criticized the government's stand of inactivity against kidnappings, with most of the victims being Christians.

With regards of the economic situation in Al-Hassake Province, the Archbishop said "the situation is not better than other areas in Syria. For example, the cooking gas costs 5,000 Syrian Pounds. It used to cost less than 400 Syrian Pounds before the uprising. All kinds of food are expensive. People in Al-Hassake Province suffer long hours of electricity cuts. The region has been cut from international communications for more than two months. The private banks are paralyzed, because the internet is not functioning. The systematic kidnapping is still going on, and there is a daily escape of people across the border to Turkey."

Inflation in Syria has affected all aspects of life. The economy is going down day after day and the prices of food, fuel and all materials are going up. Unemployment has plunged families into poverty. The middle class became poor, and the poor became more poor. The extremely cold winter of 2013 added more suffering to all.

Archbishop Roham has made many contacts with Church and State leaders in Europe in order to help Assyrians at home and abroad.

On May 7, 2013, Archbishop Roham met Monsignor Huber, Father Josef Moser and Mr. Sebastian Bugl in Munich. He thanked them for their great work with his Archdiocese in the past few years. Also, he asked them and all Catholic organizations in Munich, such as Missio, Misereor and Church in Need, to help the poor suffering Christian families in Syria and abroad.

By Abdulmesih BarAbraham

Mit diesem Album hat sich Benyamin einen Traum erfüllt. Jahrelang hat er seine Gefühle und Gedanken in lyrische Texte verarbeitet die er nun musikalisch in „Fligutho u Hsomo mbalalan lu Tyomo“ zum Ausdruckt bringt. Inhaltlich setzt er sich mit dem Leben in der Diaspora, den damit verbundenen Problemen sowie der ständigen Sehnsucht nach der Heimat auseinander. Mit seinen einzigartigen Reimen setzt Benyamin neue Akzente in die Musiklandschaft der Suryoye.

Das Album besteht aus drei Teilen. Neben der Musik-CD wird eine 2. CD mit Gedichten und Informationen über historische Ereignisse mitgeliefert.

Am 1. Juni 2013 wird Benyamin sein Album in der Stadthalle Gütersloh präsentieren.

BDP'li Dora, Meclis'te basın toplantısı yaptı. Metropolitlerin 22 Nisan'da muhaliflerin etkili olduğu bölgede kaçırıldığına işaret etti. Dora, Başbakan Erdoğan'a seslenerek, "Başbakan Erdoğan, Birleşmiş Milletler Medeniyetler İttifakı Eş Başkanıdır. İki metropolit için duyarlı olmasını bekliyorum. Başbakanımıza da sorumluluk düştüğüne inanıyorum" dedi.

Dora, Reyhanlı saldırısı için de "Bir faciadır. Çözüm süreci ile birlikte umutların arttığı bir dönemde böyle sir saldırıyı birtakım güçlerin nifak sokma çabası olarak değerlendiriyoruz" yorumunu yaptı.

http://www.cnnturk.com

On Wednesday, State Parliament unanimously passed a motion by Premier Barry O’Farrell calling for the official recognition of the Assyrian, Armenian and Greek genocides.

It is estimated 1.5 million Armenians, 750,000 Assyrians and 500,000 Greeks were massacred by Ottoman Empire forces between 1915 and 1922 during their attempts to eradicate the Christian minorities.

In a speech to Parliament last week, Mr Rohan said his parents were among the 90,000 Assyrian Christian refugees who fled their ancestral home to escape persecution by the Ottoman regime in 1918.

The refugees were protected by 28-year-old Australian Army Captain Stanley Savige.

“Reasoning that a Turkish commander would concentrate on killing him before harming the refugees, he strategically placed his command at the rear of the refugee procession and deliberately drew enemy fire,” Mr Rohan said.

“By offering his command as a target, even though he was outnumbered one hundred to one, Captain Savige managed to slow the enemy advance long enough for most of the refugees to flee.

“My parents survived the genocide because of the heroic actions of Sir Stanley George Savige.”

Captain Savige, who later rose to the military rank of Lieutenant General, was decorated with a Distinguished Service Order for his bravery.

For years local Assyrian, Armenian and Hellenic organisations campaigned to have genocides formally acknowledged by government.

“This recognition will help our Assyrian nation and its organisations in their attempt to strengthen our national existence in the homeland as well as in the diaspora,” Assyrian Universal Alliance deputy secretary-general Hermiz Shahen said.

“It will help our nation to find its rightful place among the nations of the world and to creatively make its special contribution to the universal development of mankind.”

But something caught my eye: A camp specifically for Syrian Christians? This was new. Of all the Syrian refugees in Turkey, only a few hundred are Christian. Now they need a camp?

I'm calling clergy and others in Midyat. They can't agree about the number of refugees it is supposed to shelter. One is saying 10,000 Christians, another 1,000. Reuters says 2,500.

Nowhere in the Islamic world has a refugee camp for the Christians of one country been built across the border in a neighbouring country. Now Turkey is building a camp that will hold between 3 and 30 times the number of Syrian Christians currently taking refuge in the country. Why? Why is Turkey creating a small city to handle a flood of Syrian Christians?

The news reports -- what few there were -- didn't say. The only way to get answers is to go to Midyat.

"We'll be on the same plane, great!" A dentist, previously deeply involved in the Assyrian movement, interrupts me as I am taking notes. He is also on his way to Midyat. He is behind many of the new buildings in southeastern Turkey and has of course heard about the camp. "It was Syriac Orthodox leaders who requested the establishment of a camp; tourist season is about to start and they want to empty the monasteries of refugees. Otherwise, they may lose donations from visitors, from Sweden, for example." So, the dentist believes it is about money. "What they hadn't counted on was that the Turkish government would take the opportunity to build a Muslim camp next to the Christian one. Christian leaders were shocked -- but too late, the construction was already underway."

On the flight from Ankara to Mardin, a town about 70 kilometres west of Midyat, I'm sitting next to the well-known columnist Yavuz Donat of the Turkish daily Sabah. Together with the Turkish Minister of the Interior, Muamer Güler, he has visited some refugee camps. "We have a tradition of hospitality in Turkey, and our refugee camps are of very high international standard. In Midyat, it will be the same." A doctor friend of Donat shakes his head. "The number of Christian refugees from Syria is grossly exaggerated. Right now there is no need for a camp."

An hour later, I'm drinking tea from a traditional oval Turkish glass in Deyr ul-Zahfaran, one of the world's oldest monasteries. Here, Syriac Orthodox believers have practiced their faith for more than 1,500 years. Now the monastery serves three purposes: as a church, a tourist attraction, and on this day, a home for about 50 refugees.

I'm here trying to find out why a Christian refugee camp is being built. In the courtyard drinking tea, I find Syrian Christians arguing the same question.

Jamil Diarbakerli, a local representative of the Assyrian Democratic Organisation, maintains that the persecution of Christians in Syria is exaggerated. "They are just looking for an excuse to leave Syria and escape to Europe," he says. "As soon as there is a bit of a stir in the Arab world, the Christians seize the opportunity to leave their native countries." This is upsetting Sargon, a Christian from the Syrian town of Qamishly, a town about 50 kilometres to the south, just across the Turkey border. "What are you talking about? The body of my cousin Alexi Skandar has been lying on a street in Aleppo for more than two weeks. His lacerated corpse has rotted. No one dares to go and get him; if you do you'll be killed. And he is not alone; many other bodies of Christians are rotting on the streets because Islamists threaten to kill people who want to bury them."

Diarbakerli won't give up; he continues to maintain that Christians are not persecuted for the fact they belong to another religion. More Syrian refugees have gathered around by now. They sit quietly listening to Sargon, who has become very irritated. "You are saying this because your party belongs to the opposition; you people don't want to admit your mistake. You entered this with the idea of helping your people, Assyrians and other Syrian Christians, but fundamentalists and Islamists have taken over the revolution and the opposition. Why do you refuse to see the truth? A group of Islamists entered a Christian home, raped and assaulted a mother and her daughters. When they left, the mother set fire to herself, her daughters and the house." Diarbakerli replies that this is an isolated case, that there are some Islamists among the opposition but that on the whole it is made up of people who want democracy in Syria. Sargon sighs. The other refugees also sigh. Everyone is quiet.

Suddenly, it's pouring. We run into one of the two common rooms of the monastery. The refugees go up to the second floor where they have been given sanctuary.

"It's not time for a camp yet, not for Christians," Diarbakerli continues. "There are only around 300 of them in all of Turkey. If the situation becomes acute, you can always pitch tents, it'd only take a few hours. I don't understand why they are taking these drastic steps, why they are building a camp for thousands of people. They should wait."

But Sargon is more concerned with what's actually happening in Syria than what might happen in Turkey. "It's not the henchmen of the regime who persecute us; it's the Free Syrian Army and their Islamist supporters who want to purge Syria of Christians. There's no way you can say different."

Diarbakerli meets Sargon halfway. "Of course there are fundamentalists in Syria; they are everywhere. What we are hoping and working for is that Syria won't be heading for the same fate as Iraq where over half of the Christians fled. We will, of course, provide shelter to Assyrians and other Christians -- not in a Turkish camp, however, but in a humanitarian zone within Syria. Christians have armed and organized themselves in small groupings keeping watch, and to be able to defend themselves if needed. But it is far from sufficient; many more armed men would be needed."

Sargon takes me to see some of the other refugees on the second floor, two young families with three children each. They affirm that Christian men in northern Syria have armed themselves, guarding Christian enclaves. At most, they are a few hundred.

Later that afternoon, I am summoned to Metropolitan Saliba Özmen's monastery office. Representatives of three Christian religious denominations have gathered to discuss what kind of help Christian refugees from Syria would need. A Jesuit priest says it upsets him that the small number of refugees in Turkey should be banished to a camp. Christian organizations should be able to provide food and shelter for them. Özmen defends the idea: "We have been taking care of them for a year and a half. They have lived and eaten for free in the monastery. We fear that they will arrive in large numbers; we can't possibly help them here in Mardin. That is why we turned to the Turkish government and asked for help. Moreover, it's the tourist season; besides being a historical holy site and a convent school, it is also a tourist attraction."

The Jesuit rolls his eyes. "It's a good thing if the tourists can see that the monastery is helping refugees, isn't it?" No one speaks for a while; the only thing you can hear is the rattle of the rain against the window pane. The Jesuit and the representatives of the various churches get up and take their leave.

When they are gone, Özmen asks for more tea for us. He confesses that things have not gone as planned. "We asked the government for barracks, not tents," he tells me. "The whole thing has turned out so wrong. Anyway, the refugees that are here, and are coming to Mardin, will live in apartments. A Syriac Orthodox organization from Sweden, Youth Initiative, is helping with rents for four apartments. So the people living in the monastery can be moved."

Eliye Kirilmaz, chairman of the local church board, says the monastery cannot continue to bear the strain of the displaced Syrians. "We have 30 employees, teachers, caretakers, gardeners and kitchen staff, among others. Moreover, we owe a large sum to the local electricity company; we have not been able to pay for electricity over the winter. Of course we are not throwing out any refugees, but we simply can't afford it anymore. We are grateful to Youth Initiative who understood the need to rent apartments for the refugees."

The next day, at lunch in the monastery refectory, I sit down next to five young Syrian men. They are all in their twenties. Some have deserted the Syrian army; others have fled not to be conscripted into the war. "We have tried to find jobs, but no one wants to employ us," says one of the men, who gives the name Sano. "We only have temporary permits, you see. This means that we can't work, as we don't have work permits. It's very hard to have nothing to do all day long. The transfer into apartments brings us closer to the centre of Mardin and we won't be isolated as we are now in the monastery." Another young man says he wants to go back; most people are trying to get to Europe with the help of smugglers, but he and a few others have decided to stay in Turkey until the situation in Syria has improved.

When we go out, the courtyard is full of enthusiastic tourists brandishing cameras, unaware of the Syrian refugees living upstairs. The young men walk discreetly past the tourists and slip up the steps. I follow them. The sun peeps out from behind the clouds. We sit outside; you can almost feel the tide of history. We are in northern Mesopotamia, the cradle of civilization according to archaeologists. "First my grandparents fled from Turkey to get away from the genocide of Christians during WWI. Now we, their grandchildren, are fleeing back here to get away from new persecutions", Sano says with a lump in his throat. "We were doing fine under Bashar's regime, before the so-called revolution. Certainly, everything wasn't okay, but at least we weren't oppressed because of our religion. It was much better before. Now, al Qaeda and Salafists have taken over certain parts of Syria and are about to occupy more territory. It is really scary."

When Sano first came to Turkey he stayed with a Muslim Kurdish family in the city of Nusaybin, right at the Syrian border. His paternal grandmother and the Kurdish man's maternal grandmother were sisters; the Kurdish man's grandmother had been kidnapped and forcibly converted to Islam during the genocide in 1914, but the families have been in touch with each other for several years now. "After six months it felt as if I was in the way," he says. "There were young unmarried daughters in the house, and rumours can start very quickly. Leaving them was better for me. That's how I came to the monastery."

The refugees say they each have received 150 Turkish Liras, about 80 US dollars, from the Turkish government. It's the first time any of them has received government support. Most of all they'd like to have work permits and to be integrated in Mardin, which is one place in the country where Turkish is not the predominant language. "Luckily, we have come to a place in Turkey where almost everyone speaks Arabic," Sano says.

My photographer and I leave the Deyr-ul Zahfaran monastery, and drive the farm roads through sheep herds to Midyat, where the refugee camp is to be built. We are met by a committee formed by the Board of the Churches, with the task to help refugees. Around 40 of them are staying at the monastery; others are living in apartments in the centre of Midyat, at the premises of an association, in a Catholic church, and in villages around the city. The board is eager to get the camp built.

"They have to move to the camp as soon as it is ready, whether they like to or not. They can't stay at this monastery anymore, it simply doesn't work," says the board vice president, Yusuf Türker. He can't understand why Christian refugees would have a problem moving out of monasteries and into tents. Besides, he says, the camp is an economic opportunity for local Turks. "Many Christians in Midyat will be able to find work; we are going to need interpreters and people with other professional skills in the camp," he says.

The members of the refugee committee are pleased that many other Christian associations have assured them that they, too, are going to pitch in with what is needed. Türker says proudly that the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs has promised that it's going to be a state-of-the-art refugee camp with sports grounds, food stores, health care and many other facilities lacking in other camps. "Of course we are going to see to that they get all possible help from the Church," says Ergün, the priest. "I mean, the religious leaders will be there for the Syrian refugees in the camp at all times."

"We hope and pray that there will be peace in Syria and the situation for Christians will improve," Türker says. "The camp will be there if the situation gets worse, in other words, just in case."

A little later that evening we meet a Turkish journalist, who asks to be anonymous. She and her husband are well-known human-rights activists. They have just returned from Syria where they have investigated the situation for Christians. She isn't as pleased as the church leaders about the camp.

"They are going to build not one but two camps, one for 6,000 Muslims and one for 4,000 Christians," she says. "What will happen if Christians can't flee from Syria, if they don't need to flee from Syria? Then both camps will be used for Muslims. Then 10,000 Syrian Muslims will be located in close vicinity to one of the world's oldest monasteries."

She lights a cigarette. "I mean, I am a Muslim myself, this is not what I'm talking about. This is a gorgeous part of Turkey, a tourist attraction, a culturally and historically important site without counterpart. Assyrians/Syriacs have lived here for thousands of years. It's inconceivable that they want to ruin Tur Abdin (a historically important part of Turkey's southeast region) with these two enormous camps. There are many other locations for refugee camps that are not a few hundred metres from the centre of Midyat. Nothing good will come of this. Should there be problems or crimes, the Christians will point out the Muslims and vice versa. The citizens of Midyat should have had their say. Instead, everything happened practically overnight. The Foreign Minister and a few Bishops was all it took, as I see it, to ruin Midyat. Just look at the media reports in the past few days about fighting between locals and Syrian refugees in Jordan. And yet both groups belong to the same religion!"

The next morning, we accompany Yusuf Türker to the refugee camp under construction. He isn't buying the journalist's complaint. "Our agreement with the government is that no others than Christians will be allowed to stay in the camp located in close vicinity to the monastery. We will not accept any other use of the camp."

Besides, he says, "Should anyone commit a crime or create problems of some kind, that person will immediately be sent back to Syria. Moreover, the Jandarma, Turkish Military Police, will guard the camp."

The construction is in full swing. The ground is being levelled and water and electricity connected. Türker points out that Midyat companies have been engaged for the work. "I'm convinced that letting land for the camp was the right thing to do; it's indeed needed for the Christian refugees that are already in Turkey. And it could be needed for many more."

Türker leaves us and we decide it is time for lunch.

At the restaurant we are informed that one of the dishwashers is a Christian refugee from Syria. His father was killed by Islamists. We ask to see him. His name is Gabriel Staifo Malke, 18 years old and originally from Hassake, in northern Syria. He is handsome and proud. Yet for the next several minutes he speaks like a robot, his eyes holding back tears.

"My father was found shot, killed in his car," the young man says. "The only reason for his killing was that he had a crucifix hanging from his rear mirror. It was on 17 July, 2012, a day I will never forget. My two brothers and I were sleeping. Dad and our uncle were going to Qamishly; it was about nine o'clock in the morning, I believe. My eldest brother's cell phone woke us up. I heard him confirm that it was him speaking. He, my other brother and my mother went to the hospital, because Dad had had an accident. I went to my uncle's house close by. There were many adults, my relatives, there. They were all crying and screaming. Suddenly I was in a car. We went to the state hospital. The cell phone of one my aunts rang, the other aunt wanted to know what it was about. Everyone was crying out their anger, fear and sorrow. My dad wasn't hurt any more, he was dead. My mind went completely blank. I didn't understand. I couldn't take it in. When we got to the hospital I wasn't allowed to see Dad; only my mother and one of my older brothers were allowed in. All other members of the family stood outside beating their chests and crying. I was still numb. Like paralysed. Dad was loved by all; he was a popular veterinary. No one would want to kill him.

"Three hours later he was brought home. They carried him in on a gurney; there was blood everywhere. He was still bleeding. With him came a bag with his belongings; what he had in the car and his pockets. All the money was there; but covered with blood. It hadn't been thieves, common criminals that had killed him. My mother sat on the stairs, she refused to come in, her brother and sisters practically had to drag her into the house. There were three visible bullet holes, one in his neck, one in his right side and one in his shoulder. Mum cried and cried. She kept repeating that she had asked him to remove the cross, but he had refused. He had replied in a proud voice that he, as a Christian, had as much right to Syria as anyone else. Besides, the country is named after us Assyrians/Syriacs. Syria is our country, too.

"In Hassake, terrorists had warned Christians that they would be killed if they didn't leave town; there was no room left for us. Most of the others hid their religion, didn't show openly that they were non-Muslims. But not Dad. After the funeral the threats against our family and other Christians increased. The terrorists called us and said that it was time to disappear; we had that choice, or we would be killed. My brothers fled with the help of smugglers. Their destination was Germany, but on the Bulgarian border they were apprehended by Turkish border police. For five days we heard nothing from them; we had no idea what had happened to them. It wasn't possible to speak with Mum; she thought they were gone, too. Something awful must have happened to them. When my eldest brother finally called and said that they were okay, they were in prison but were going to be released soon, Mum lost it altogether and fell down. A few days later it was our turn, Mum's and mine. The smuggler brought us into Turkey by way of an opening cut in the barbed wire. The Free Syrian Army guided us out, as if they wanted us to leave the country."

Two other Syrian refugees have heard that we are interested in their stories and have come to find us.

"It's important that you tell the truth, that you get the whole picture," the first one says. "If you're interested in covering the camp, we want you to know that none of us will be staying in the camp. They didn't even ask us before they started building. Personally, I think that women and children should be brought out from Syria, to the camp, and that the men should be given heavier weapons so that they can defend their areas from al-Qaeda and Salafists."

The other one follows up: "We don't want food; we don't want to hide in refugee camps in Turkey! We want shelter for our families and weapons for ourselves. Syria must not be purged of non-Muslims. We want to fight for the future of the Christians in Syria."

The refugees and their stories have made us forget the time. We have to hurry to get to a meeting with Metropolitan Samuel Aktas at the monastery in Mor Gabriel, about 10 minutes away.

He isn't happy and doesn't beat around the bush. "This camp is definitely not what we asked for. This is only negative; there is nothing positive in it. We are digging our own grave; this way they would be able to purge Syria of its Christian population. If cities like Qamishly, Kbor l'bit and Derek, that used to be almost entirely Christian, are purged, we will be finished all over this part of the world, because it was here that the majority of Christians were."

In the monastery courtyard, a Syrian refugee stops me. He wants us to write that in many parts of Syria you have to pay a fee not to be kidnapped or killed. "For months my uncle and my brother-in-law have been paying money to terrorists; or else they would have been killed," he says. "Please, you have to write about it!"

In the evening we pay a visit to Gabriel Staifo Malke's mother and brothers. They're renting a worn down apartment in the centre of Midyat; her brother-in-law is visiting from Germany in order to help them. Each time she starts talking, she starts crying. Finally she plucks up courage. Basically, she repeats the story told by her youngest son. After a while, she asks her middle son to fetch a Bible. She opens it and takes out a banknote, a Syrian one. You can hardly see what it is because of the stains. She says that it's her husband's blood and she is going to keep it forever.

At around 10 p.m., we are sitting in the hotel lobby with a man named Bashar. He fled Syria after having been robbed, beaten up and had his life threatened because he refused to convert to Islam. Two women in niqab, a black cloth that Shiite women use to cover their face, had entered the shop, closed the door, took off the cloth so that no one could see that they were men, and beat up Bashar.

The cell phone rings. It's a friend from Mardin, with news that two Syrian bishops have been kidnapped, and their driver killed. We turn on the TV, zapping between channels to get updates.

"It's starting now, just like in Iraq," Bashar says. "They kidnap and kill priests to scare people so that they will run away. People will think, if a Bishop can't protect himself then how can ordinary Christians?" He shakes his head, lights a cigarette and leaves to call friends in Syria.

That night, sleep didn't come easily.

In the morning we are received by the city's local governor, Öguzhan Bingöl. "In the beginning we were supposed to help Assyrians/Syriacs in Tur Abdin so that they in turn could help Assyrian/Syriac refugees," he says. "But we have had signals that the number of refugees could increase dramatically, that there could be thousands of them in the near future. There are many internal refugees in Syria who need somewhere to go. Getting them out won't be a problem; the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs will see to that they are moved in a safe and secure way."

Hearing about the criticism, he smiles. "We are going to build a refugee camp that will be an exemplary example for the rest of the world. The refugees won't even feel that they are in a camp. I am personally going to stay with them in the camp; I will be sharing their food and drink. I'm also going to sleep there to make sure that they will be treated properly and feel alright."

We tell him that many of the refugees already in Tur Abdin refuse to move to the camp, that we have spoken to internal Christian refugees in Syria, and that they prefer to live in monasteries or apartments. They fear that if they are all in one place they would be an easy target for terrorists.

Bingöl is unmoved. "I am convinced that Syrian Christians are going to come when the camp is ready." He says worries about tourism and fears about crime are unfounded. "I don't think it will have a negative effect on tourism, and even if it did, it doesn't matter. To help people in need is more important than tourism. I definitely don't think that crime rates will increase; there will be rigorous security in the camp. And if the Assyrian/Syriacs will not move in to it then we can use it for other purposes, like earthquakes."

We remind him that Assyrian/Syriac leaders in Turabdin say they have been promised the camp will be for Christians only, that no others will be able to stay in the camp closest to the monastery.

Fifteen minutes later, just before we leave, Bingöl changes his mind and says he has thought about one thing: The camp won't be used for any other purpose than sheltering Syrian Christians until the war is over. That's the way it's going to be, he says.

Kuryakus Ergün, the director of Mor Gabriel monastery, is waiting for us in a car. He is very disappointed with the developments. "The entire thing has gone completely out of hand. I participated in the meeting with the Turkish Foreign Minister. He said that Turkey is willing to help our people in Syria, but that one country can't interfere in the internal affairs of another country. So our Bishops suggested a camp. The idea first came from Ablahad Staifo from the European branch of the Assyrian Democratic Organisation. That is why we were invited. We can't blame anyone but ourselves, not the Turkish government, or anyone else. It's our own fault that it came to this, the Bishops' fault. This could lead to a devastating demographic change."

Ergün drives us to the mayor, Sehmus Nasiroglu, who is waiting in a restaurant. We don't even have time to sit down before Nasiroglu starts.

"They never even consulted us, the people of Midyat. From one day to another the government had decided that two camps were to be built in Midyat. No one asked us for our opinion about where to construct them, for instance. Having them so close to the centre will lead to increased crime rates, I guarantee you. Judging from other camps crime rates will go up by at least 30 per cent. It's a huge number for such a small city as ours."

Midyat has a population of 55,000. The mayor insists there are other ways to help Syrian refugees besides building two enormous camps. "Someone should follow the money; millions of dollars will be invested in the project," he says. "A few people in Midyat will make a lot of money on this, while the rest of Midyat will suffer."

I tell him the local governor claims there will be rigorous security in the camp and the Jandarma will keep crime at bay. The mayor scoffs.

"Let me be clear: the PKK (the Kurdistan Workers' Party) closed down a school the other day, teachers and students had to leave. If the local governor is so strong that he can guarantee the security, I am wondering why he hasn't succeeded in opening the school again. He can't guarantee anything! I maintain that the negative aspects of these two camps outweigh the positive ones. A few people in Midyat will make a lot of money on this, I'm sure. The money must be followed; there is a lot of corruption here."

Leaving Nasiroglu and approaching an area with a strong signal again, both Kuryakus Ergün and I receive the same email: The Dutch branch of the Assyrian Democratic Organisation has issued a press release calling for a humanitarian zone for Assyrians and others in northeastern Syria. It's an idea that, if adopted, could keep Syrian Christians home and leave the Midyat camp, built to house thousands, mostly empty.

I've come to the camp, and have taken its measure. Along the way I've encountered Christian leaders in the region who are split about the whole idea. I've met some Syrian Christians who think the camp is needed, and some who dread it will become a Christian ghetto and a sitting duck for terrorists.

And in the end, I have as many questions about the future of Christianity in northeastern Syria as I had when I began.

By Nuri Kino
http://www.worldwatchmonitor.org

Nuri Kino, of Assyrian (Syriac Orthodox) background, is an award-winning TV/radio journalist now living in Sweden. In Jan, 2013 he wrote a report "Between the wire" in which he did 100+ interviews with Syria's minority Christian community. He is co-author of the independently published political thriller "The Line in the Sand."

Am Samstag, den 16. März 2013, lud die Yoken-bar-Yoken (YBY) Stiftung zu einem ganztägigen Seminar in die Neue Stadtbücherei Augsburg ein. Unter dem Titel „Generationsübergreifende Aspekte der Integration der Assyrer - Intergenerational Approach to the Problems and Challenges of the Integration of Assyrians in Europe“ waren ausgewählte Referenten aus Uppsala, Augsburg, Köln und Wien eingeladen. Geleitet und moderiert wurde die Vortragsreihe, die mehr als 50 Zuhörer (aus Deutschland, Schweden, Holland und Belgien) anzog, von Herrn Abdulmesih BarAbraham und Herrn Söner Önder.

Eröffnet wurde das Seminar durch Abdulmesih BarAbraham, Vorsitzender des Kuratoriums der YBY Stiftung, der neben der kurzen Vorstellung der Stiftung auch einen ausführlichen Überblick über das EU Grundtvig Programm gab. Im Rahmen dieses EU-geförderten Programms wird das EPIA-Projekt (Exchanging Best Practices in the Integration of Assyrians in Europe) organisiert, welches den Fokus auf den Austausch von bewährten Praktiken zur Integration der Assyrer in Europa legt und an dem assyrische Organisationen aus Holland, Belgien, Schweden und Deutschland partizipieren. Was die folgenden hochkarätigen Vorträge interessant machte, war, dass alle eingeladenen Referenten ihre Präsentationen mit eigenen authentischen Umfragen und Studien zum Thema der Integration der Assyrer untermauerten.

Der erste Referent, Dr. Andreas Önver Cetrez von der schwedischen Universität Uppsala, zeigte in seinem Vortrag, wie sich ein kollektives Trauma zu einer kollektiven Identität entwickeln und welchen Einfluss ein derartiges Trauma auf die jeweiligen Generationen ausüben kann.

Eine traumatische Erfahrung, wie der Genozid von 1914/15 an den Assyrern, habe starken Einfluss auf alle nachfolgenden Generationen und werde sowohl bewusst als auch unbewusst an die heranwachsende Generation „vererbt“. Selbst in der dritten Generation ließen sich noch dessen Nachwirkungen nachweisen. Gleichzeitig seien die kulturellen Charakteristika, die aus dem Trauma resultierten, entscheidend bei der Entwicklung und Etablierung von Stereotypen und Prototypen. Sowohl die stereotypen Feindbilder als auch die selbst zugeschriebenen positiven Attribute stellten Facetten der assyrischen Kultur dar, die sich in der Diaspora entwickelt hätten.

Nach Dr. Cetrez werde das historische Trauma durch wiederkehrende Traumata, beispielsweise durch die Auswanderung, die Angst vor Assimilation und durch neue Konflikte in der Diaspora, intensiviert. Dies verhindere eine Aufarbeitung und lasse vielmehr eine Kultur der Konflikte entstehen, die ein Öffnen der Gruppe nach außen erschwere.

Nach dieser theoretischen Einführung ging Dr. Yusuf Güney, Psychologe aus Wien, in seinem Vortrag näher auf die intergenerativen Unterschiede ein. Unter dem Titel „Erkenntnisse zu den psychologischen und soziokulturellen Aspekten bei der Integration der assyrischen Migrantengeneration in Österreich“ berichtete Dr. Güney von seiner Umfrage unter Angehörigen der ersten und zweiten Generation in Wien. Dabei definierte er die erste Generation als jene Gruppe von Personen, die ab dem 17. Lebensjahr emigriert sind. Die zweite Generation umfasst sowohl die Personen, welche bis zum Alter von sechs Jahren emigriert sind, als auch diejenigen, deren Eltern beide Migranten und die selbst im Ausland geboren worden sind.

Stichprobenartig hat Dr. Güney zehn assyrische Familien in Wien nach ihren Sprachkenntnissen, ihrer Bildung und beruflichen Stellung sowie nach ihren sozialen Beziehungen befragt. Dabei ist die erste Generation von 19, die zweite Generation von 33 Individuen repräsentiert worden. Die Ergebnisse seiner Umfrage zeigen, dass sich die zweite Generation hinsichtlich der deutschen Sprache, der Wohnverhältnisse, der Bildung und der ausgeübten Berufe im Vergleich zur ersten Generation besser integriert hat. Die sozialen Beziehungen der zweiten Generation erstreckten sich dabei sowohl über die eigene als auch über die Gastgesellschaft. Im Laufe der Zeit ist den Angehörigen der zweiten Generation aber die Muttersprache verloren gegangen.

Diese Diskrepanz im Integrationsprozess sei wiederum Ursache für generationsübergreifende Konflikte und Probleme, so Dr. Güney in seinem Vortrag. Hierbei wies er auf Meinungsverschiedenheiten bezüglich Partnerschaften und Eheschließungen hin, aber auch auf eine Erosion der klassischen Rollenverteilung und der Umgangsformen innerhalb der assyrischen Familien. Eine Selbstentfremdung der ersten Generation und Loyalitätskonflikte auf Seiten der zweiten Generation seien die Folge. Um diese Konflikte zu überwinden, appellierte Dr. Güney am Ende seines Vortrags an beide Generationen, die Bindungen zueinander wieder zu festigen und auch Brücken in die deutsche Aufnahmegesellschaft zu schlagen.

Als nächste Referentin sprach die Ethnologin Christiane Lembert über die Assyrer in Augsburg und das Verständnis von Identität durch Migranten. Nach einer Einführung in die theoretischen Überlegungen zu Integration, Inklusion und Identität stellte Frau Lembert ihre Forschungsergebnisse zu den Assyrern in Augsburg vor. Dabei konzentrierte sie sich vor allem auf die Bedeutung der assyrischen Identität für die zweite und dritte Generation. Dazu hatte sie im Vorfeld mehrere Jugendliche des Mesopotamien Vereins in einem Gespräch befragt. Anhand deren Antworten zeigte Frau Lembert auf, wie die Jugendlichen zwischen 17 und 20 Jahren ihre Identität beispielsweise über ihre Namen, über Symbole und über ihre christliche Konfession definieren und konstruieren. Zudem spiele die Sprache als Kommunikationsmittel zwischen den Generationen und als kulturelles Erbe gleichermaßen eine wichtige Rolle. Aber auch auf nicht sichtbare Kulturmerkmale, wie die soziale Organisation innerhalb der Gesellschaft und innerhalb der Familien, ging Frau Lembert im Verlauf ihres Vortrages ein. Als Fazit hob sie die Integration und starke Verwurzelung des Mesopotamien Vereins in Augsburg hervor. Den Jugendlichen läge aber für die Zukunft ein größeres Verständnis vonseiten der deutschen Bevölkerung am Herzen. Wichtig sei ihnen unter anderem die Würdigung der kulturellen Leistungen der Assyrer, die Differenzierung zwischen Türken und assyrischen Christen und die Anerkennung des Völkermordes.

Der Referent Kenan Araz, Berater und Soziologe am Integrationszentrum in Köln, machte die Migration und Integration der Assyrer in westeuropäische Länder und deren intergenerative Familienstrukturen zum Thema seines Vortrages.

Zunächst sprach Araz von den politischen, ökonomischen, ökologischen und soziokulturellen Faktoren, die bei den assyrischen Migranten zur Auswanderung aus der jahrhundertealten Heimat geführt hatten. Nach der Herausforderung der Auswanderung stünden die Assyrer nun in der Diaspora vor neuen Problemen, die ihre familiären und generationsübergreifenden Strukturen bedrohten. Auf zwei Aspekte - die Partnerwahl und die intergenerativen Beziehungen - ging Araz im weiteren Verlauf seines Vortrags näher ein. Beide zwischenmenschliche Dimensionen hätten große Aussagekraft über das Eingliederungsverhalten der Minorität. Je nachdem, ob der Partner aus der Aufnahmegesellschaft oder der eigenen Migrantenminorität gewählt werde, entscheide der Heiratende, inwieweit die Beziehungen zur Herkunftsgesellschaft aufrechterhalten werden. Gleichzeitig würde auch über den Sozialisationsprozess der Kinder entschieden, die aus der Ehe hervorgingen. Immer häufiger, so Araz in seinem Vortrag, unterschieden sich Heiratspartner in ihrer Staatsangehörigkeit oder ihrem ethnisch-kulturellen Hintergrund. Auch für die Zukunft sei zu erwarten, dass assyrische Migranten aus verschiedenen Staaten transnationale Netzwerke aufbauen, die auch als Heiratsmärkte genutzt werden können.

Auch Generationsbeziehungen seien von besonderer Bedeutung für das Verständnis der Familien ausländischer Herkunft, so Araz weiter. Zum einen sei die Elterngeneration auf die Alterssicherung der jüngeren Generation angewiesen und spiegele damit das Sicherungssystem der Heimat wider. Zum anderen finde zwischen der älteren und der jüngeren Generation ein Lernprozess statt, der für beide Altersgruppen von Vorteil sei. Im Anschluss verteilte Araz eine Umfrage unter den Zuhörern, in der er um die Beantwortung zweier Fragen bat. Die Anwesenden hatten zu notieren, was die ältere Generation ihrer Meinung nach von der jüngeren Generation lernen könne und umgekehrt. Während die drei wichtigsten Antworten auf die erste Frage „die Nutzung der Technik“, „Offenheit und Modernität“ sowie „die deutsche Sprache“ waren, wurden „die assyrische Muttersprache“, „Tradition“ und „die assyrische Kultur“ als die drei wichtigsten Antworten auf die zweite Frage genannt.

Das Seminar endete mit einer zweiten Präsentation von Dr. Cetrez, in der er die intergenerativen Probleme unter den assyrischen Migranten anhand einer eigenen Studie unter Assyrern in Schweden aufzeigte. Seine Ergebnisse untermauerten die bereits aufgezeigten Charakteristika der zweiten und dritten assyrischen Generation, die sich beispielsweise durch ihre soziale Mobilität, ihre Offenheit gegenüber anderen Gesellschaftsgruppen, aber auch durch eine schwächer ausgeprägte Religiosität auszeichnen.

Im Hinblick auf das Thema des Seminars boten die Vorträge und die anschließende Podiumsdiskussion, die von Söner Önder von der Inanna-Stiftung geleitet wurde, eine sowohl theoretische als auch praktische Sichtweise auf die Probleme und Herausforderungen der assyrischen Migranten in der Diaspora. Spannungen zwischen den Generationen lassen sich auf das kollektive Trauma und den mangelnden Austausch zwischen den Generationen zurückführen. Zudem ist es der ersten Generation nicht möglich, Wege aufzuzeigen, wie der Assimilation zu entgehen ist, da ihr die entsprechenden Erfahrungswerte fehlen. Folglich ist ein Lernprozess notwendig, der allerdings nur unzureichende Verknüpfungen zwischen den Generationen schafft. Auch den religiösen und bürgerlichen Organisationen mangelt es an Strategien, um den intergenerativen Problemen entgegenzuwirken.

Die angesprochenen Probleme haben großen Einfluss auf die soziale, kulturelle und politische Entwicklung der Assyrer. Daher ist es dringend erforderlich, die Bindung zwischen den Generationen wieder zu stärken und den intergenerativen Austausch zu fördern. Nur mit starken Bindungen innerhalb ihrer Volksgruppe ist es den Assyrern möglich, sowohl der Assimilation und dem „kulturellen Genozid“ zu entgehen, als auch ihre Anliegen effektiv nach außen hin zu vertreten.

* Miryam Athra Abraham ist Studentin der Staatswissenschaften an der Universität Passau.

Einen Englischen Bericht und weitere Bilder zum Seminar gibt es unter:
http://inannafoundation.org/Augsburg_Seminar.html

Bugün 1 Mayıs, sadece dünya emekçileri açısından değil; fakat Süryani halkı ve 1915 soykırımının kabul edilmesini isteyen bütün insan hakları savunucuları açısından da tarihi bir gün. Bugün, Avustralya Eyalet Parlamentosu Süryani ve Rum soykırımını oy birliğiyle kabul etti.

Parlamentonun aldığı kararı başından beri takip eden Seyfo Center başkanı Sabri Atman, Avustralya’da alınan kararın çok sevindirici ve önemli olduğunu, önümüzdeki yıllarda Ermeni soykırımını kabul eden yaklaşık 26 ülkenin de benzeri kararlar alması için bu stratejiyi hayata geçireceklerini, söyledi. Atman, Avustralya’da alınan karardan dolayı Hermiz Shahen’e bir kutlama mesajı gönderdi.

Bugün Paris'in yakınlarındaki Arnouville şehrinde tarihi bir gün yaşandı. Soykırıma uğrayan bir halkın torunları Türkiye'ye güçlü bir mesaj gönderdiler. Soykırım kurbanları adına yeni bir anıt diktiler. Türkiye'ye ve bütün inkarcılara güçlü bir mesaj gönderdiler. Kalabalık bir kitlenin önünde açılan anıtta okunmak üzere SEYFO CENTER tarafından gönderilen kutlama mesajını aşağıya alıyoruz:

Değerli arkadaşlar,

Kelime darağacınıza “dönme” sözcüğünü soktuğumuz için özür dilerim • Kızlarınızın, kadınlarınızın namusları kirletildiği, zorla Kürtleştirilip, Türkleştirildiği, Alevileştirildiği ve Müslümanlaştırıldığı için özür dilerim. • Yaşamak için sizleri nar taneleri gibi Diaspora’ya ve ABD’ye göç ettirmek zorunda bıraktığımız için özür dilerim. • Sürgünde anavatan hasretiyle, yüreklerinizi dağladığımız için özür dilerim. • Çocuklarınıza, en temel insan hakkı olan, kendi anadilinizde isim-soy isim ve eğitim verdiremediğimiz için özür dilerim. •

Evlerinize, bağ, bahçelerinize, arazilerinize, ticarethanelerinize el koyup sermayeyi millileştirip; bu ülkeye ırkçılık hastalığını inşa ettirdiğimiz için özür dilerim. • Ekonomik, kültürel, siyasal soykırım yaşayan yerli halkları yok sayarak, görmemezlikten geldiğimiz için özür dilerim. • İnanç ve kutsal mabetlerinizi (Manastır, Kilise, Sinagog, Cem evi v.b. gibi) zorla kamulaştırıp, camiye, ahıra, müzeye, Kültür merkezine v.b. gibi, çevirdiğimiz için özür dilerim. • Soykırımdan sağ kalanlarınızın ana dilinde rüya görmesini engellediğimiz için özür dilerim. • Yüzyıldır bu ülkede her sabah sizlere “Ne Mutlu Türküm” diye ırkçılık yaptığımız için özür dilerim. •

Varlığınızı, cellâtlarımıza zorla armağan ettirdiğimiz için özür dilerim. • Anadolu halklar bahçesini, halklar mezarlığına çevirdiğimiz için özür dilerim. • Bir “Sarı Gelin” türküsündeki hüznün, soykırımın hüznü olduğunu çok geç anladığımız için Özür dilerim. • Biz Türklerden çok evvel ‘’bu topraklarda yaşayan’’, ülkenin en yerli halklarını ve inançlarını yok ederek, ülkeyi tek tipçiliğe kurban ettiğimiz için özür dilerim. • Bu ülkeyi insanlık cenneti değil, katliamlar cennetine çevirdiğimiz için özür dilerim. •

Başta ülke genelinde ve yaşadığım şehir Symrna (İzmir)’de olmak üzere Agop’ları, Kuryakos’ları, Samuel’leri, Ani’leri, Maria’ları, Sarkis’leri, isimleriyle birlikte, insanlığımızı da tarihe gömdüğümüz için özür dilerim. • Bin dört yüz yıldır nefret ve insanlık suçu işlediğimiz için özür dilerim. • Faşizmin bir gün gelip de, bizi de bu ülkede vurmak isteyeceğini bilemediğimiz için özür dilerim. • Ret - inkâr ve asimilasyon politikalarına yüzyıldır dur diyemediğimiz için özür dilerim. • Özellikle, son yüzyıldır Ermenilere, Süryanilere, Pontus Rumlara, Yezidilere, Alevilere yapılan soykırımlarda insan olamadığımız için özür dilerim. • Soykırım yapıldığında sizlere ve insanlığımıza sahip çıkamadığımız için, 24 Nisan soykırım kurbanlarını anma gününde, bir kez daha saygıyla eğilip özür dilerim.

ZEYNEP TOZDUMAN